The following is adapted from a pamphlet, issued in December 1994, by The New Federalist newspaper. Prompted by the growing threat at the time, of an assassination of President Bill Clinton, the LaRouche movement pulled together a dossier on previous (successful) British assassination efforts, namely, those against Presidents Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley, and John Kennedy.
The British have killed U.S. Presidents. The “British” authors of these murders are not the English people, but the oligarchy ruling Great Britain—the “Venetian party” feudalist aristocrats and bankers, headed by the Royal Family, and the European princes intermarried with the British Royals.
American Presidents who have been assassinated, were advancing U.S. interests in fierce conflict with British geopolitical aims. In each case, the killing, and the accession to office of the Vice President, hindered or reversed the policy direction of the murdered President. This is true of those shot to death—Abraham Lincoln, James A. Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy. It is also true of the two 19th-Century Presidents who died abrupt and surprising deaths in office, purportedly of natural causes, William Henry Harrison and Zachary Taylor.
We review the salient features of the British assassinations, and their motives, below.
Britain’s Confederacy vs. Lincoln
John Wilkes Booth shot and mortally wounded President Abraham Lincoln on April 14, 1865, five days after Robert E. Lee’s Confederate Army of Northern Virginia surrendered in the Civil War.
In their biography of Lincoln, his two private secretaries, John G. Nicolay and John Hay, brought up the question of Booth, the Confederate Secret Service headquartered in British Canada, and how the murder plot was financed:
“[O]ne of the conspiracies, not seemingly more important than the many abortive ones, ripened. . . . A little band of malignant secessionists, consist[ing] of John Wilkes Booth, . . . Lewis Powell, . . . a disbanded rebel soldier . . . George Atzerodt, . . . a spy and blockade runner of the Potomac, David E. Herold, . . . Samuel Arnold and Michael O’Laughlin, Maryland secessionists and Confederate soldiers, and John H. Surratt [a Confederate spy and dispatch lander]. . . .
“Booth . . . visited Canada, consorted with the rebel emissaries there, and at last—whether or not at their instigation cannot certainly be said—conceived a scheme to capture the President. . . . He seemed always well supplied with money, and talked largely of his speculations in oil as a source of income; but his agent afterwards testified that he never realized a dollar from that source; that his investments, which were inconsiderable, were a total loss.”
The Confederate Secret Service was headed by the Virginia-based Confederate Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin, who was born a British subject in the West Indies, and the London-based James Bulloch, uncle of the later U.S. President Teddy Roosevelt. They coordinated the supply of British rifles and British naval vessels to the Rebellion, and the transfer of gold through the then- British colony of Canada.
President Abraham Lincoln was engaged, throughout the war, in a two-front battle: a military struggle to save the Union and defeat the British-backed Confederacy, and a brutal conflict against the Wall Street firms representing Britain’s Rothschild and Baring banks and the British Crown. (Lincoln’s last photograph, Feb. 5, 1865, by Alexander Gardner.)
This engraving, printed in Harper’s Weekly, April 29, 1865, depicts the British/ Confederate spy John Wilkes Booth, as he fires the fatal shot at President Lincoln at Ford’s Theater, April 14, 1864.
A decoding sheet found in Booth’s trunk matched a coding device found in Confederate spymaster Judah Benjamin’s Richmond, Va. office.
Some months before he shot Lincoln, Booth deposited funds in the Montreal bank used by Benjamin’s operatives. John Surratt, who confessed in 1870 to plotting with Booth to abduct Lincoln, admitted to using that Montreal bank for the secret service funds. Surratt told of the days preceding the murder, and of his trip to Montreal, carrying money and messages from Judah Benjamin.
At Ford’s Theater, where John Wilkes Booth shot Lincoln, the U.S. National Park Service now displays a decoding sheet found by police in Booth’s trunk, and a matching coding device found in Judah Benjamin’s Richmond office. Benjamin fled to England immediately following the assassination and became a wealthy Queen’s Attorney. Booth was shot by pursuing U.S. troops, and four co-conspirators were hanged.
James G. Blaine, a Lincoln-allied Congressman and later U.S. Secretary of State, wrote that Judah Benjamin sought to create “a confederacy whose . . . one achievement should be the revival and extension of English commercial power on this continent. . . . Benjamin took quick refuge under the flag to whose allegiance he was born. . . . [T]he manner in which he was lauded into notoriety in London, the effort constantly made to lionize and to aggrandize him, were conspicuous demonstrations of hatred to our Government, and were significant expressions of regret that Mr. Benjamin’s treason had not been successful. Those whom he served either in the Confederacy or in England in his efforts to destroy the American Union . . . eulogize him according to his work.”
Why Lincoln Was Killed
Henry C. Carey, creator of the nationalist economic platform of Lincoln’s Republican Party, wrote, just before the 1860 election, that the British Empire waged continual political and economic “warfare . . . for discouraging the growth of manufactures in other countries . . . for compelling the people of other lands to confine themselves to agriculture . . . for producing pauperism.”
During his Presidency, Lincoln defied British free trade doctrines and revolutionized the U.S. economy. Lincoln’s 50% tariff started the American steel industry, while his transcontinental railroads, subsidies for mining, the science-educating Agriculture Department, free land for family farmers, free state colleges, and full-scale immigration policy forced the transformation of a bankrupt, cotton-exporting country into the world’s greatest industrial power within the 25 years during and following his Presidency.
In a brutal conflict against the Wall Street firms representing Britain’s Rothschild and Baring banks and the British Crown, Lincoln fought to reassert the national government’s control over credit. He put through anti-usury and other strict Federal banking laws, sold bonds directly to the people, and issued hundreds of millions of dollars of national currency. He was seeking to crack down on the Anglo-American manipulation of gold when he was killed.
Vice President Andrew Johnson succeeded Abraham Lincoln in 1865, and promised rewards for the arrest of the “rebels and traitors . . . harbored in Canada” who had “incited, concerted and procured” Lincoln’s murder.
Johnson was himself a free trader. But Lincoln’s nationalist political legacy was revived by Presidents Ulysses S. Grant (1869-77) and James A. Garfield (assassinated in 1881). Despite the tightening grip of British-run banking over U.S. finances, America persisted in Lincoln’s nationalist measures and became the world’s economic superpower, inspiring emulation on a broad enough scale—including in Germany, Russia, and Japan—to threaten the British Empire itself.1
The Case of James Garfield
Charles Guiteau’s 1881 murder of U.S. President James A. Garfield is treated historically as a senseless act, and the perpetrator, a “disappointed office-seeker.”
Contrary to this “lone-assassin” portrayal of events, we shall show here a murder motive: the Garfield Ad- ministration’s prosecution of a virtual war against the British Empire; and a murder machine: Britain’s transatlantic financial and political apparatus, and its criminal underground inside America, which included Garfield’s assassin.
James Blaine, chosen as Secretary of State by the President-elect, candidly warned Garfield of “the machine in New York” and its allies, within their own Re- publican Party: “This section contains all the desperate bad men of the Party, bent on loot and booty, and ready for any Mexican invasion or Caribbean annexation, and looking to excitements and filibustering and possibly to a Spanish war as legitimate means of continuing political power for a clique. These men are . . . harmless when out of power, and desperate when in possession of it” (Blaine to Garfield, Dec. 10, 1880).
Britain’s influence in America had grown ominously in 1879. British bankers, whose Wall Street agents ruled the “desperate” New York political machine, had compelled the resumption of gold (specie) payments to foreign holders of U.S. bonds. This gave the Rothschild-Morgan syndicate a blackmail dictatorship over U.S. finances.
Secretary of State Blaine was the de facto “prime minister” in the incoming administration. His political identity was built around his family tradition of America’s resistance against British imperial power. He had lived, as a teenager, with his close relative Thomas Ewing, while Ewing was U.S. Treasury Secretary, lieutenant to anti-British nationalist spokesman Henry Clay, and the stepfather of Garfield was susceptible to the hard-money dogma, but he and his old political comrade Blaine came to power with the high tariff program of Clay and Lin- coln. Blaine exhorted Irish-Americans and other workingmen to defend their wages by defeating the economic policy of “Ireland’s oppressors”—“British free trade.”
President James Garfield (left) was murdered, in 1881, because he was waging a virtual war against the British Empire. His ally, James Blaine (below, left), warned Garfield against “the machine in New York,” run by banker August Belmont (below), a Rothschild lackey, and head of the Democratic Party.
The Union War Government Revived
Garfield and Blaine took office in March 1881, with Abraham Lincoln’s son Robert as War Secretary. In May, Blaine sent Lincoln’s counterintelligence expert, retired Gen. Stephen Hurlbut, as a special envoy to face down the British in South America.
The British-sponsored proxy army of Chile had invaded Peru and Bolivia, grabbing control of nitrate deposits, and seeking to crush U.S.-allied nationalism in the region. Britain’s diplomats demanded that Peru surrender and cede its richest provinces. Peru’s army had collapsed, relying as it did for military supplies on Britain’s Lima-based merchant king, the W.R. Grace Company. Grace controlled virtually all shipping on South America’s Pacific Coast on behalf of British banking and political power.
On May 23, 1881, Charles J. Guiteau wrote to President Garfield: “Mr. Blaine is a wicked man, and you ought to demand his immediate resignation; otherwise you and the Republican Party will come to grief.” Guiteau shot Garfield on July 2, 1881, four months into his term.
As Garfield clung to life, General Hurlbut arrived in Peru, clashed sharply with British diplomats, and recognized the regime of García Calderón, who had been chosen by the underground Peruvian nationalist leadership. The USS Alaska landed a brother of President Calderón in Mollendo, with money and instructions for Peruvian resistance fighters. Britain’s Chilean proxies arrested President Calderón and took him away to Santiago. On Nov. 29, 1881, Secretary Blaine, still in office, called for a peace conference of all republics in the Western Hemisphere, to convene in Washington one year later.
The incoming President Chester Arthur replaced Blaine two weeks later with Frederick Frelinghuysen, who cancelled the proposed hemispheric peace conference, so as not to invite “European jealousy and ill will.” Congressman Perry Belmont, law partner of Frelinghuysen’s son, chaired a Congressional investigation of the supposed corruption of James Blaine and General Hurlbut. Belmont’s father, August Belmont, the House of Rothschild’s U.S. representative, wrote that “the country might have been plunged into a war with Peru if poor Garfield had not been assassinated. Blaine is about the most unscrupulous politician we ever had.”
Blaine told Congress, “The Chilian government . . . pledge[d] . . . to pay . . . into the Bank of England for the benefit of the English bondholders who put up the job of this war on Peru. It . . . was loot and booty. . . . The iron-clads that destroyed the Peruvian Navy were furnished by England. . . . It is an English war on Peru, with Chile as the instrument, and I take the responsibility of that assertion.”
The New York Machine and the Assassin
There was at that time a triumvirate ruling that New York “loot and booty” machine about which Blaine had warned Garfield:
1) Banker August Belmont, Rothschild representative and longtime head of the U.S. Democratic Party;
2) Britain’s W.R. Grace, the Peru-based enforcer, who had moved to the U.S., and was elected Mayor of New York City in 1880. Grace managed Wall Street’s opposition to Blaine’s 1884 Presidential bid, and ar- ranged the official 1890 British contract seizing Peru’s land and minerals;
3) Speculator Leonard Jerome, owner of the New York Times. His daughter Jennie had married Britain’s Randolph Churchill, who in 1880, with his partner Arthur Balfour, founded a new ultra-feudalist leadership group in British politics. Jerome’s grandson Winston Churchill was then six years old. This Balfour
circle, Benjamin Disraeli’s “Venetian Party,” had taken over managing various British Intelligence projects of the occult and the criminal underground, centered in New York State and New England.
Assassin Charles J. Guiteau dictated an autobiography to a jail officer while awaiting his execution. His story was printed in the July 2, 1882 (Washington) National Republican.
Guiteau’s father, a disciple of New England cult leader John H. Noyes, took Charles as a teenager to live on the commune that Noyes had established on the Oneida Indian Reservation in upstate New York. Noyes was a Vermont “blueblood,” the son of a Congressman who had sided with the enemy during the War of 1812 between America and Britain.
Guiteau said “I went [to Oneida] and got under that influence, and I was unable to get away from that influence. . . . A man was just as isolated from the world as if he were confined in state’s prison or a lunatic asylum. I suffered greatly in mind and body and spirits during incarceration in that community.” He said he had been “perfectly beside himself” under Noyes’s control from 1858 to 1870.
In 1880, Charles Guiteau, who had never had anything to do with politics, suddenly began hanging around the Republican National Committee’s New York City headquarters. After the Garfield election victory, Guiteau began loitering in the White House and State Department lobbies in Washington, on the pretext of asking for appointment as a diplomat. He bought a pistol with money from “a gentleman,” and shot the President after stalking him for several days.
McKinley Versus T.R.
The “McKinley Act” of 1890 was the great protective tariff law of the last generation of American nationalist leaders. Its author, Ohio Congressman and former Union military officer William McKinley, said that “the law of 1890 . . . gave work and wages to all such as they had never had before. It did it by establishing great industries in this country. . . . It had no friends in Europe.”
McKinley was elected to the Presidency in 1896 on a platform of high wages and defiance of British free trade doctrines. McKinley’s first act as President was to push through a law heavily taxing British and other imports, so as “to preserve the home market . . . to our own producers; to revive and increase manufactures; to relieve and encourage agriculture . . . to aid and develop mining and building; and to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the liberal wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled.”
In the 1900 election campaign, the only serious issue was who should replace Vice President Garret Hobart, who had died in 1899. President McKinley and his leading advisor, Sen. Marcus Alonzo Hanna, bitterly opposed the nomination of Great Britain’s fanatical political ally Theodore Roosevelt, or “T.R.”
Teddy Roosevelt’s identity had become clear to American patriots in 1883, when James D. Bulloch, Teddy’s uncle, hero, and later military-history ghost- writer, published his famous anti-American history, The Secret Service of the Confederate States in Europe. Bulloch, in permanent exile in Britain, had been one of the two coordinators of the secret service whose operatives killed Abraham Lincoln.
But, under immense pressure, the McKinley faction capitulated to the naming of T.R. as Vice Presidential candidate. The McKinley-Roosevelt ticket was elected. The President was shot to death by anarchist assassin Leon Czolgosz less than six months after the inauguration, and Teddy Roosevelt became President.
The attack had been fully expected. McKinley’s chief of staff, Senator Hanna, had requested in a security report the previous year, “that proper safeguards be thrown around the person of the President,” because the government had been informed that “anarchists or Socialists through their various organizations resolved to rid the earth of a number of its rulers [starting with] the Empress Eugenie of Austria . . . the King of Italy . . . [and] then the President of the United States . . . and . . . the first two calls . . . have come to pass as predicted.” After the election of the McKinley-Roosevelt ticket, the New York City Police Commissioner, through his detective Lt. Joseph Petrosino, had issued a warning: that the Henry Street Settlement House in New York City, then the U.S. political headquarters for anarchist leader Emma Goldman, was a center of assassination threats to President McKinley.
The assassin Czolgosz told police after his capture that he was a disciple of Emma Goldman’s, and had heard her lecture on the destruction of government two weeks before he killed the President. Goldman, who had helped plan the attempted murder of industrialist Henry Frick nine years earlier, was arrested on suspicion of complicity in the McKinley shooting. However, when charges were brought against her, and she was released from police custody, she immediately launched a public sympathy campaign for the assassin.
London: ‘Breeding Ground for Plots’
Goldman and the anarchists were sponsored in high style in America and in England. New York’s Henry William McKinley (left) was elected to the Presidency in 1896, on a platform of high wages and defiance of British free-trade doctrines. His Vice President Teddy Roosevelt (below) became President when McKinley was shot and killed by a disciple of the anarchist Emma Goldman, who maintained headquarters in London. T.R. was the leading representative of the British imperial model war party.
Street Settlement House was built in 1893 by Wall Street’s Jacob Schiff, in cooperation with his partner Sir Ernst Cassell, personal banker to the British Royal Family and to the Fabian Society. Goldman wrote about a Russian anarchist revolutionary who came to New York and met with the Anglophile elite, backing the overthrow of the U.S.-allied Russian government. “I acted as interpreter . . . at most of the private gatherings arranged for her . . . among [those participating was Anson] Phelps Stokes” of the Phelps-Dodge Corp. and the Liverpool and London and Globe Insurance Co. “Lillian Wald [head of the Henry Street Settlement House] . . . arranged receptions . . . and succeeded in interesting scores of people in the Russian cause.”
In 1901, the Russian journal Svet wrote: “Let us hope that the death of [President McKinley] will rouse those lands which . . . harbor bad elements and become the breeding grounds for plots, to action against the enemies of civilization.” “In England,” Belgium’s King Leopold had explained years earlier, “a sort of menagerie of [revolutionaries] is kept to let loose occasionally on the continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible.”
Emma Goldman wrote in her autobiography about flourishing “anarchist activities in London. . . . England was the haven for refugees from all lands, who carried on their work without hindrance.” She described her London headquarters, the home of William Michael Rossetti. There, the anarchist journal Torch was published. The brother of the Pre-Raphaelite poet/painter Dante Gabriel Rossetti, William Michael had been a senior British government official and the manager of the “Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood,” which openly advocated the return to the feudal Dark Ages of the 14th Century. Goldman helped organize Britain’s worldwide Neo-Malthusian League. Following Goldman’s deportation from the U.S., neo-Malthusian leader Bertrand Russell sponsored her return to England.
Reversing American Revolution
Teddy Roosevelt had been the leading representative of the British imperial-model war party, whose intrigues had dragged the reluctant President McKinley into the 1898 war against Spain in Cuba and the Philippines. But McKinley had pursued peace, reciprocity, and mutual industrial development with the nations of the Western Hemisphere.
As President, Teddy Roosevelt blatantly attacked and intimidated Latin America, blackening the name of the American republic. He broke up the U.S. alliances
with Japan, with Russia, and with Germany. He closed the American West to settlement, cancelled all of Lincoln’s economic development measures, and turned over national financial power to the British banking cartel of Rothschild and Morgan.
The Case of John F. Kennedy
Two newly discovered pieces of evidence point to- wards a direct role of the British Crown in the assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy on Nov. 22, 1963.
The first piece of evidence, is a membership list in the super-secret 1001 Club, listing the late Canadian-born British Special Operations Executive (SOE) official Maj. Louis Mortimer Bloomfield as a charter member of the group founded by Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh (see EIR, Oct. 28, 1994). Bloomfield was also an early leader of the Canadian branch of Prince Philip’s World Wildlife Fund (WWF), prior to his involvement in the JFK assassination plot.
The second piece of evidence, a pair of obscure photographs from a New Orleans Parish weekly newspaper from 1963, show David Ferrie and Clay Shaw together at a party. Ferrie and Shaw were two critical figures in the Kennedy assassination plot, according to the late New Orleans District Attorney, Jim Garrison (as reported in his 1988 book on the Kennedy assassination, On the Trail of the Assassins).
Taken together, the new pieces of evidence for the first time establish an unbroken chain of proof tying the known associates of self-described “patsy” Lee Harvey Oswald to the highest echelons of the British Crown and its Secret Intelligence Services.
Through agencies like the WWF and the 1001 Club, the assassination apparatus that murdered John Kennedy remains intact today. And this apparatus has al- ready been implicated in at least one threat to the life of President Clinton, a May 11, 1994 public statement by a gun-toting ex-Arkansas state official Larry Nichols. While the U.S. Attorney’s office in Washington, D.C. was announcing this past week that Francisco Martin Duran, the man who opened fire on the White House on Oct. 29, would be tried for attempted murder of the President, Larry Nichols was still walking the streets, the apparent beneficiary of protection by “friends in high places” who are opponents of President Clinton’s decidedly anti-British policies.
Critical Missing Evidence
In 1967, New Orleans DA Jim Garrison indicted Clay Shaw, the director of the New Orleans International Trade Mart, on charges that Shaw had conspired in the assassination of JFK. Shaw, a prominent New Orleans businessman and socialite, was linked by Garrison’s investigators to a local secret intelligence unit housed at 544 Camp Street, in the offices of former FBI official Guy Bannister. Throughout 1963, the office had been frequented by Shaw, David Ferrie, Lee Harvey Oswald, and other figures linked to the events in Dallas on Nov. 22.
During the trial two years later, Judge Garrity ruled inadmissible Shaw’s own statement to the police, in which he linked himself to Ferrie, the man who first recruited Lee Harvey Oswald to U.S. intelligence, a decade before the Kennedy assassination. The trial of Shaw came down to conflicting testimony over whether or not Shaw and Ferrie knew one another.
Shaw lied on the witness stand under oath that he had never met Ferrie, a notorious homosexual and mercenary who had worked under FBI Division Five official Bannister in the New Orleans- based training and weapons supply operation for Cuban exiles, that had also employed Oswald.
Like Presidents Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley, John F. Kennedy was assassinated by the British, while advancing U.S. interests in conflict with British geopolitical aims. Kennedy is shown below, in the motorcade in Dallas, on Nov. 22, 1963, with his wife Jaqueline, moments before he was struck down. National Archives/Abbie Rowe
The jury, under instruction from
Judge Garrity, ruled that there was insufficient evidence to convict Shaw, solely on the basis that there was “reasonable doubt” about the Shaw-Ferrie association. Afterwards, Garrity and the majority of jurors said they believed there was a conspiracy to kill the President. On his deathbed, Garrity told a friend that he was convinced Shaw was guilty as charged, and that he was shocked when the jury ruled not guilty.
The Crown’s Permindex Front
Clay Shaw was a member of the board of Major Bloomfield’s Permindex (“Permanent Industrial Expositions”) front company. Already, by 1967, Bloomfield’s Permindex organization had been thrown out of Italy, France, and Switzerland, after French authorities found it had paid for assassination attempts against French President Charles de Gaulle. A New Orleans-based Permindex spin-off, the Caribbean Anti-Communist League, had funneled several hundred thousand dollars to members of the Secret Army Organization (OAS) in France to kill de Gaulle.
What’s more, since World War II, SOE officer Bloomfield had served as the liaison between British Crown Intelligence and the FBI. Under agreements struck be- tween Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt, Bloomfield had served as J. Edgar Hoover’s personnel advisor for the Bureau’s foreign counterintelligence section, known as Division Five.
Bloomfield’s early involvement in Prince Philip’s WWF and 1001 Club placed the Canadian spook-attorney even more in the center of the Crown apparatus. Membership in the 1001 Club was drawn from the inner circles of the Duke of Edinburgh and his Dutch counterpart, the former Nazi intelligence operator, Prince Bernhard. A second Permindex figure, Swiss-based Israeli banker Dr. Tibor Rosenbaum, the conduit for Permindex funds into the OAS, was also a charter member of 1001.
The WWF, widely misrepresented as a group concerned with the environment and endangered species, was launched by Prince Philip and Prince Bernhard in 1961 to draw together powerful European oligarchical networks into a covert recolonization and One World government scheme. At the center of the WWF effort was the revival of radical Malthusian population reduction programs. John F. Kennedy’s policies represented the antithesis of this Malthusian revival.
Oswald and Hoover
The 20-year intimate collaboration between Bloomfield and Hoover sheds further light on another of the anomalies of the JFK assassination and its cover-up. Why, if Lee Harvey Oswald was the actual assassin of John Kennedy, would he have sent a personal telegram to Hoover 48 hours before the killing in Dallas, warning of a plot against the President’s life? And why, if Oswald was anything other than a patsy, would Hoover have suppressed that telegram and ordered FBI offices all across the country to bury any documentation linking FBI informant Oswald to the Bureau?
Up until the moment that Oswald was gunned down by Jack Ruby inside the Dallas Police Department headquarters (Ruby had been a Bannister informant back in Chicago prior to the Division Five agent’s “retirement” from the Bureau), he was insisting that he had been a “patsy” and had not shot the President.
New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison (right) prosecuted the only trial ever held on the Kennedy assassination, that of Clay Shaw, a shady businessman, on the board of Major Louis Bloomfield’s Permindex assassination bureau. As Lee Harvey Oswald insisted, before he was gunned down in the Dallas police station, he was just a “patsy”—one of the many throwaway agents deployed by the highest levels of British intelligence. Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, Clay Shaw, Lee Harvey Oswald
A trial of Oswald would have been fatal to the Permindex assassins and their vast cover-up apparatus.
Garrison’s prosecution of Clay Shaw failed to produce a conviction. Shaw, Ferrie, Oswald, Bloomfield, and Garrison are all dead. Yet, the newly uncovered evidence—31 years after the fact—still provides a basis for getting at the truth, and making sure that no British Crown plot ever claims the life of an American President again.
The Enemy Explains His Crimes
Like Presidents Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley, Kennedy was killed by the British oligarchy while advancing U.S. interests in conflict with British geopolitical aims. In his foreign and domestic policies, Kennedy had astonished the world by reverting to the idealistic nationalism seen in those earlier murdered American Presidents.
But let us allow the enemy to speak for himself on this.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica “published with the editorial advice and consultation of . . . a committee of members of the faculties of Oxford, Cambridge, and London Universities,” found the U.S. President’s murder a cause for celebration. The Introduction to the Britannica Book of the Year 1964 began:
“That 1963 would be remembered as a year of great beginnings—and of some tragic endings—could not be doubted. . . . The assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy . . . was surely the most stunning of the year’s events. Its suddenness and senselessness left virtually all of the civilized world in a state of shock. . . .
“And yet even this monstrous killing somehow pointed to a kind of beginning or at the least, a renewal, of sensibility among Kennedy’s countrymen and among the United States and other nations. The event certainly gave evidence that—like it or not—the world community was in fact a reality. The nations had become too tightly intermeshed and interdependent through both military and mercantile treaties; too many of the educated people of the world crossed international frontiers too often and accommodated themselves too easily in foreign lands to have any lingering intellectual response to 19th-century nationalism, though an emotional residue persisted and was still exploited in some areas of the world.”
Kennedy’s investment tax credit for industrial development; his face-down of J.P. Morgan’s steel price increase; his order for the Treasury to print non-Federal Reserve U.S. currency; his Apollo Moon landing program; his commitment to overwhelming U.S. technological and military superiority, combined with cooperation with the Soviets for Third World development, not “balance of power” wars; his decision to take retired Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s advice and get out of the Vietnam trap: All of these lit the British fuse for his murder.
The Owners of the Circus
District Attorney Garrison’s prosecution of the Kennedy case began with his discovery that the alleged assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, had been based in a New Orleans political operations office at 544 Camp Street. The manager of this office, Guy Bannister, was formerly chief of the FBI in Chicago.
Garrison described 544 Camp Street as a virtual “circus”: FBI agents; CIA agents; Oswald, himself a long-time FBI informant, passing out agent-provocateur
pro-Castro leaflets; flaming homosexual David Ferrie and his anti-Castro Cubans—all of these parading in and out of Bannister’s office. Oswald murderer Jack Ruby was also an informer and intimate of Bannister, from the Chicago FBI days.
Garrison was led to the actual proprietors of this New Orleans “circus” by being informed that the internationally powerful Clay Shaw had arranged for legal services for Lee Oswald; he had even personally taken Oswald to get registered to vote.
The exotic sadomasochist Clay Shaw made the International Trade Mart in New Orleans a subsidiary of Permindex, known to the world’s police as an assassination bureau.
Bloomfield, Shaw’s superior in the Permindex command structure, co-authored an assassination strategy manual, Crimes Against Protected Persons: Prevention and Punishment (New York: Praeger, 1975). Bloomfield’s law firm managed the Bronfman family liquor empire, utilizing global organized-crime capabilities.
Bloomfield’s Permindex directors included Clay Shaw, who had fallen in with the British as an Office of Strategic Services liaison man stationed with the office of Prime Minister Winston Churchill; various European aristocrats who had been associated with the Hitler and Mussolini governments; and Jean de Menil, owner of Schlumberger Co. of Houston, which had provided weapons for the hit attempts on de Gaulle and for the Carribbean adventures of the Shaw-Ferrie-Bannister group.
Perry R. Russo, a Baton Rouge insurance agent and longtime acquaintance of David Ferrie, testified that he had sat in on a Kennedy assassination planning discussion between Clay Shaw and David Ferrie, on the need for triangulation of crossfire, and their intended alibi locations while contracted hit men were to be killing the President.
It was to this corrupted and betrayed U.S. security apparatus, from Bloomfield and J. Edgar Hoover on down, that Oswald turned for help. As a Naval Intelligence agent assigned to the FBI, Oswald sent a tele- gram from Dallas, warning Director Hoover personally of a local FBI cover-up of a live assassination threat against the President in the Dallas-Fort Worth area.
Hoover’s trashing of the warning was misprision of a felony, or treason. And with the President’s murder, and the public’s acquiescence in what was widely believed to be a cover-up, the nation shamefully betrayed itself.
1. See Anton Chaitkin et al., “The ‘Land-Bridge’: Henry Carey’s Global Development Program,” EIR, May 2, 1997, with reports on the introduction of American System economics in Germany, Russia, and China. See also EIR’s full issue devoted to Alexander Hamilton and the American System, Jan. 3, 1992, which covers the above countries as well as Japan and Ibero-America. Online, see http://american_almanac. tripod.com/intro.htm. Library of Congress
